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Senate Minority Leader Harry M. Reid
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| Senate Minority Leader Harry M. Reid
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| DUDE-HERE |
Mr. Reid's Nondisclosure
The Senate minority leader's incomplete financial filings
Friday, October 13, 2006; Page A28
THE BEST CASE for Senate Minority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) is that he was sloppy about financial disclosure rules in accounting for a real estate deal on which he made a $700,000 profit. The more unattractive case is that the senator's inaccurate description of the investment was an effort to disguise his partnership with a Las Vegas lawyer who's never been charged with wrongdoing but whose name has surfaced in federal investigations involving organized crime, casinos and political bribery since the 1980s. As of now, the evidence points toward sloppiness; Mr. Reid's friendship with Jay Brown isn't exactly a secret in the state. But either way, an Associated Press report about Mr. Reid's dealings doesn't cast the senator in an attractive light. Neither does his response to the AP story, which indicates a casual disregard for the importance of accurate reporting of lawmakers' financial affairs.
Mr. Reid bought undeveloped property on the outskirts of fast-growing Las Vegas for about $400,000 in 1998 -- one parcel outright and a second jointly with Mr. Brown. In 2001, Mr. Reid sold the land for the same price to a corporation he co-owned with Mr. Brown, who in the meantime was getting the land rezoned from residential to commercial use. But the senator didn't report the sale on his annual financial disclosure form. When the new company sold the land to developers in 2004, yielding $1.1 million for Mr. Reid, the senator did not accurately list the transaction or go back and fix the previous forms to reflect the new arrangement.
"Everything I did was transparent," Mr. Reid said at a news conference Wednesday, after the story broke. "Everything is fully disclosed to the ethics committee and everyone else. As I said, if there is some technical change that the ethics committee wants, I'll be happy to do that."
Mr. Reid's professions of transparency and full disclosure are transparently wrong. His investment was not reported in a manner that made clear his partnership with Mr. Brown. It's true -- under the inadequate financial disclosure rules -- that even if Mr. Reid had listed the newly formed corporation, Patrick Lane LLC, that wouldn't have by itself demonstrated Mr. Brown's involvement. Nonetheless, that Mr. Reid no longer owned the land, but instead had sold it for an interest in the Patrick Lane corporation, was not some mere "technical change," as the senator would like to brush it off. It's an essential element of financial disclosure rules, the purpose of which is to know how and with whom public officials are financially entwined. |
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| DUDE-HERE |
HMMMMM CULTURE OF CORRUPTION....
CAN'T WAIT TO HEAR THE EXCUSE MAKERS |
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| angrychink |
by the way dude
for nevada on that list
ensign was with abramoff
and porter got funds from delay |
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| DUDE-HERE |
Quote: Originally posted by angrychink
by the way dude
for nevada on that list
ensign was with abramoff
and porter got funds from delay |
and your point is ? |
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| DUDE-HERE |
so thats makes it ok...i thought dems were supposed to be above corruption...
fucken hypocrits |
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| angrychink |
hey dude...you brought up reid
i just brought up abba's link to all the other republicans, including 2 from the state of nevada you originally quoted
and you keep spewing hypocrites
that's great |
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| DUDE-HERE |
Quote: Originally posted by angrychink
hey dude...you brought up reid
i just brought up abba's link to all the other republicans, including 2 from the state of nevada you originally quoted
and you keep spewing hypocrites
that's great |
as you say ..stick to the subject of the thread |
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| mb33139 |
Quote: Originally posted by DUDE-HERE
so thats makes it ok...i thought dems were supposed to be above corruption...
en hypocrits |
Nope. Just about all the politicians are corrupt in Washington these days. The republicans just happen to be the kiddie touching, ethic preaching more evil of the bunch. We have to start cleaning house somewhere, let's start with them. |
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| angrychink |
the subject was..reid
who is from nevada
the list i pasted from abba showed 2 republicans in nevada to be corrupt (amongst all the other corrupt republicans)
your point is?
you were the idiot who was crowing about the culture of corruption |
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| DUDE-HERE |
Quote: Originally posted by mb33139
Nope. Just about all the politicians are corrupt in Washington these days. The republicans just happen to be the kiddie touching, ethic preaching more evil of the bunch. We have to start cleaning house somewhere, let's start with them. |
who was kiddie touching ? |
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| angrychink |
let's just continue to talk about the corrupt officials in nevada, then
one from the left and the two from the right |
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| DUDE-HERE |
Quote: Originally posted by angrychink
let's just continue to talk about the corrupt officials in nevada, then
one from the left and the two from the right |
ok...talk ...but at least we throw them out where as you guys rally around the corrupt official like reynolds how much cash did reynold have in his freezor.. |
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| SaintJimmy |
Quote: Originally posted by DUDE-HERE
ok...talk ...but at least we throw them out where as you guys rally around the corrupt official like reynolds how much cash did reynold have in his freezor.. |
Nobody threw out Foley. :( |
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| angrychink |
who's reynolds?
why don't YOU stick to the subject?
porter, ensign, or reid?!? |
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| DUDE-HERE |
Quote: Originally posted by angrychink
who's reynolds?
why don't YOU stick to the subject?
porter, ensign, or reid?!? |
there are skum bags on both sides...but you protect the skum..like rapists like clinton |
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| angrychink |
who is reynolds?
why mention clinton?
the fuck is wrong with you |
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| FatesWebb |
Quote: Originally posted by DUDE-HERE
Mr. Reid's Nondisclosure
The Senate minority leader's incomplete financial filings
Friday, October 13, 2006; Page A28
THE BEST CASE for Senate Minority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) is that he was sloppy about financial disclosure rules in accounting for a real estate deal on which he made a $700,000 profit. The more unattractive case is that the senator's inaccurate description of the investment was an effort to disguise his partnership with a Las Vegas lawyer who's never been charged with wrongdoing but whose name has surfaced in federal investigations involving organized crime, casinos and political bribery since the 1980s. As of now, the evidence points toward sloppiness; Mr. Reid's friendship with Jay Brown isn't exactly a secret in the state. But either way, an Associated Press report about Mr. Reid's dealings doesn't cast the senator in an attractive light. Neither does his response to the AP story, which indicates a casual disregard for the importance of accurate reporting of lawmakers' financial affairs.
Mr. Reid bought undeveloped property on the outskirts of fast-growing Las Vegas for about $400,000 in 1998 -- one parcel outright and a second jointly with Mr. Brown. In 2001, Mr. Reid sold the land for the same price to a corporation he co-owned with Mr. Brown, who in the meantime was getting the land rezoned from residential to commercial use. But the senator didn't report the sale on his annual financial disclosure form. When the new company sold the land to developers in 2004, yielding $1.1 million for Mr. Reid, the senator did not accurately list the transaction or go back and fix the previous forms to reflect the new arrangement.
"Everything I did was transparent," Mr. Reid said at a news conference Wednesday, after the story broke. "Everything is fully disclosed to the ethics committee and everyone else. As I said, if there is some technical change that the ethics committee wants, I'll be happy to do that."
Mr. Reid's professions of transparency and full disclosure are transparently wrong. His investment was not reported in a manner that made clear his partnership with Mr. Brown. It's true -- under the inadequate financial disclosure rules -- that even if Mr. Reid had listed the newly formed corporation, Patrick Lane LLC, that wouldn't have by itself demonstrated Mr. Brown's involvement. Nonetheless, that Mr. Reid no longer owned the land, but instead had sold it for an interest in the Patrick Lane corporation, was not some mere "technical change," as the senator would like to brush it off. It's an essential element of financial disclosure rules, the purpose of which is to know how and with whom public officials are financially entwined. |
yeah uh, where is ncmike to cry plagiarism? http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dy...6101201486.html I could see through this as soon as I saw it, mainly because it was written over a 80 IQ, and not all in caps...
where is your refrence article? DUDE-HERE?
also what is your point? that you have nothing concrete that the man did wrong?
citing your source. It's an essential element of plagiarism rules. (per mike) |
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| SaintJimmy |
Quote: Originally posted by angrychink
who is reynolds?
why mention clinton?
the fuck is wrong with you |
Dude-here suffers from severe stupidity. Excuse him. |
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| angrychink |
but dude here doesn't want to talk about corruption like:
abramoff and delay - major contributors to their hypocrisy and corruption |
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| mb33139 |
Quote: Originally posted by DUDE-HERE
who was kiddie touching ? |
Republican anti-abortion activist Howard Scott Heldreth is a convicted child rapist in Florida.
Republican County Commissioner David Swartz pleaded guilty to molesting two girls under the age of 11 and was sentenced to 8 years in prison.
Republican judge Mark Pazuhanich pleaded no contest to fondling a 10-year old girl and was sentenced to 10 years probation.
Republican anti-abortion activist Nicholas Morency pleaded guilty to possessing child pornography on his computer and offering a bounty to anybody who murders an abortion doctor.
Republican legislator Edison Misla Aldarondo was sentenced to 10 years in prison for raping his daughter between the ages of 9 and 17.
Republican Mayor Philip Giordano is serving a 37-year sentence in federal prison for sexually abusing 8- and 10-year old girls.
Republican campaign consultant Tom Shortridge was sentenced to three years probation for taking nude photographs of a 15-year old girl.
Republican racist pedophile and United States Senator Strom Thurmond had sex with a 15-year old black girl which produced a child.
Republican pastor Mike Hintz, whom George W. Bush commended during the 2004 presidential campaign, surrendered to police after admitting to a sexual affair with a female juvenile.
Republican legislator Peter Dibble pleaded no contest to having an inappropriate relationship with a 13-year-old girl.
Would you like me to list more? |
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| angrychink |
| dude will just say you're changing the subject |
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| WillowGlen |
| Dont confuse Douche-Here with little things like facts. |
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| angrychink |
| just...he slings clinton's name around like a total fucking retard |
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| mb33139 |
Quote: Originally posted by angrychink
dude will just say you're changing the subject |
Eh, your right. Those crazy nambla neocons make it too easy dig up their dirt. Why bother.... |
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| Kill Van Kull |
If Reid did anything wrong, he should not be in public service.
But, what he is accused of pales in comparison to what (has already been proven that) SO MANY republicans have done.
Starting with Dubya himself and all of his shady dealings -- why do you give them a pass?
Are you a hypocrite? |
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| kid993 |
| I dont recall ANYONE "rallying around Reynolds" |
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| iatebethO |
Let's see - Reid made money on a land deal and paid taxes on it.
Move this to the "Who Gives a Shit" forum.
Now back to Republicans and their boy toys. |
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| angrychink |
seems dude has left the building
too bad |
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| Tomofnnh |
| Yup, got pretty quiet with all those pesky facts on page 2. (waiting for Dude Here's super comback) |
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| angrychink |
well...he posted reid of nevada
but, he didn't want to talk about the other 2 corrupt officials from nevada
wonder why |
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| SDVT-2 |
Quote: Originally posted by angrychink
let's just continue to talk about the corrupt officials in nevada, then
one from the left and the two from the right |
Lets talk about the KKK guy from WV or the killer from MA |
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| angrychink |
start another thread
this one was started by dude, and he did...(but not any more) want to talk about reid and/or nevada |
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| Kill Van Kull |
Quote: Originally posted by SDVT-2
Lets talk about the KKK guy from WV or the killer from MA |
Isn't Trent Lott from Mississippi and isn't Laura Bush from Texas?
Have an original thought for once in your life, kool-aid breath.
Heckler and Koch? More like heckle and jeckle...
:p |
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| angrychink |
how about
dumbya was born in connecticut
and that cowboy act is nothing but that...dumbya does nothing but play cowboy all fucking day |
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| Chocky |
| Well I'm not defending Reid, but this is far more common with Republicans. |
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| WillowGlen |
When presented with facts the Republicans cut and run to start another thread somewhere else.
A bunch of moronic cowards they are. |
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| NCMike06 |
Lets take a look at some facts....
http://americandaily.com/article/11376
Quote: So let's take a quick peek at Democrat indiscretions, something you can bet the big media will avoid reporting. Let's started with the two previously mentioned politicos:
Rep. Pelosi recently had to pay a $21,000 fine for some campaign finance irregularities. While corruption plagues the Republican Party, Democrats have an irregularity problem. Perhaps the Dems should invest in a few hundred gallons of Pepto Bismol. That'll nip their problem in the bud.
Pelosi also went on an unreported trip to Taiwan, paid for by the Chinese National Association of Industry and Commerce, for "meetings with government, military and business officials," according to a filing Pelosi signed June 30. The flights cost $3,400 each for Pelosi and her husband. The hotel cost was $940. The sponsor, which has picked up trips for leaders of both parties, paid $300 for meals.
Senator Dingy Harry allegedly took Abramoff money, but claims it was an Abramoff client's -- an Indian tribe's -- money, as if Jack Abramoff was distributing his own money to Republicans, but giving only Indian money to the Democrats. And we're supposed to be fooled by his obvious Clintonism. Members of both parties took the money and they didn't care about distinctions when they took it. He also feigned shock when he said he heard about the NSA spying program -- until he admitted on Fox News Channel that he was briefed on the program by the Bush White House. The man Rush Limbaugh says looks like an undertaker should be compelled to attend ethics management session.
But that's small-time compared to Reid's real cash cow: In the last four years alone, firms with Reid family ties -- sons, sons-in-law, etc. -- have collected more than $2 million in lobbying fees.
"So pervasive are the ties among Reid, members of his family and Nevada's leading industries and institutions that it's difficult to find a significant field in which such a relationship does not exist," the LA Times said.
For instance, the Nevada Democrat once sponsored an environmental bill that he touted as a bipartisan measure to protect the ecosystem and help the economy in America's fastest-growing state.But as the Times reported: "What Reid did not explain was that the bill promised a cavalcade of benefits to real estate developers, corporations and local institutions that were paying hundreds of thousands of dollars in lobbying fees to his sons' and son-in-law's firms, federal lobbyist reports show."
Senator Jon Corzine (D-NJ), is now Governor Corzine of New Jersey, a state whose motto should be "The Best State Money Can Buy." While in the senate, and while campaigning for the governorship, Corzine gave an ex-girlfriend a gift of over $700,000.00. His ex-girlfriend just happened to be the head of New Jersey's largest government workers union. And her union just happened to endorse Corzine after the bribe...ooops...gift. Personally, I'd rather give my own ex-girlfriend heartburn not over a half-million bucks.
Corzine also pushed and voted on legislation involving a Japanese bank that -- surprise -- benefited his friends and himself. He got merely a slap on the wrist for that one. Not because he did it, but because he failed to inform the other senators that he had a personal interest in passing the legislation.
Rep. John Murtha (D-PA) is another holier-than-thou Democrat with ethics concerns. The House Ethics committee is considering investigating Rep. John Murtha for multiple ethics violations. The investigation would center on Rep. Murtha’s involvement with his brother’s firm KSA Consulting. The story, which originally ran in the Los Angeles Times on 13 June, surrounds the 2005 appropriations bill that funded $20M to companies for which KSA Consulting lobbied.
Murtha is a leader on the House Defense Appropriations Committee. An aide to Murtha, Carmen Scialabba, also works for KSA. Further reported by the LA Times is that KSA directly lobbied Murtha’s office for funding on behalf of 7 of its clients and that a Murtha aide advised a defense contractor that it needed to retain the services of KSA Consulting.
Rep. John Moran (D-VA) is in a bind with the revelation -- at least in the local media -- that MBNA Corporation gave him a $447,000 debt-consolidation loan on what critics viewed as highly favorable terms. Moran was a crucial House supporter of a bill only four days before he signed on as a lead sponsor of the legislation that ultimately benefited MBNA Corporation. Both MBNA and Moran have denied that there was anything improper about the loan.
We could go on, but a book -- perhaps two books -- can easily be written about the Democrats' ethics problems. As far as Abramoff money, it's fast becoming an urban legend that only Republicans took his money; Democrats took money from Abramoff clients. For instance, North Dakota Senator Byron Dorgan said in December that he would return $67,000 in donations from Indian tribes Abramoff represented. See, the Democrats just ignore the middleman. |
http://images.jerrydoyle.com/images...YREIDLETTER.doc
Quote: Re: Ethics Complaint Against Senator Harry Reid of Nevada
Dear Senators:
I. Introduction.
This letter serves as my formal complaint, under the provisions of the Senate Ethics Manual, Appendix C (Rules of Procedure, Senate Ethics Committee), Part II (Supplementary Procedural Rules), Rule 2 (Procedures for Complaints, Allegations or Information), against Senator Harry Reid of Nevada for improper conduct reflecting upon the U.S. Senate and the general principles of public service (See Senate Ethics Manual, Appendix E).
II. Background.
A. Casinos of Native-American Tribes.
(1) Native-American casinos produced $18.5 billion in annual revenues in 2004 – a figure well in excess of the $10.6 billion generated by traditional gambling venues in Nevada. Native-American gambling has spread to well over 320 locations as tribes have
maneuvered in several states and Washington, D.C. to capitalize on gambling opportunities.
(2) The tribes have hired lobbyists to help them with political backing for their own casinos and to fend off casino rivals, both Native-American and non-Native-American casinos. Spending on Washington lobbying by the tribes – most of which is on gambling issues – has increased dramatically.
B. Lobbyists for Native-American Tribes.
(1) Mr. Jack Abramoff and Mr. Michael Scanlon lobbied and conducted grass-roots political activities on behalf of Native-American Tribes. Mr. Abramoff ran the Government Affairs Department of Greenberg Traurig, a Washington, D.C. law firm. Mr. Scanlon owned Capitol Campaign Strategies, a firm that provided grassroots political support in the form of coalition building, letter writing and telephone campaigns.
(2) Mr. Abramoff convinced some of his tribal clients to retain Mr. Scanlon’s firm; Mr. Scanlon then allegedly charged exorbitant fees; and Mr. Scanlon then allegedly split these exorbitant fees with Mr. Abramoff.
(3) The accounting, bank and tax records of Mr. Abramoff and Mr. Scanlon reportedly indicate that, between 2001 and 2004, six Native-American Tribes paid more than $66 million to Mr. Scanlon’s company, Capitol Campaign Strategies. Among the six tribes were the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians (California), the Saginaw Chippewa Tribe (Michigan), the Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians, the Louisiana Coushattas, the Tigua Indians of El Paso, and the Pueblo Sandia Tribe of New Mexico.
(4) The same accounting, bank and tax records indicate that Capitol Campaign Strategies then paid Jack Abramoff personally and Kay Gold, a company owned and controlled by Mr. Abramoff, over $21 million. The $21 million appears to be half of Capitol Campaign Strategies profit from its Native-American client revenue over three years.
(5) The $66 million figure does not include tribal payments for lobbying services performed by Greenberg Traurig. For example, the Choctaw Indians’ allegedly paid over $7 million in lobbying fees over a five-year period. The $66 million does not include substantial payments made by the tribes directly to other entities owned or managed by
Mr. Abramoff, such as the Capitol Athletic Foundation which received more than $2 million from the Saginaw Chippewa Tribe, the Mississippi Choctaw Tribe and the Louisiana Coushatta Tribe. The $66 million does not include the substantial political and dubious charitable contributions that the tribes made at Mr. Abramoff’s direction.
C. “Off-Reservation” Native-American Casinos.
(1) Normally, the land on which a tribe operates a casino under the National Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (NIGRA) must be part of the tribe’s reservation (trust land). However, it is possible to obtain and place into trust land that was not part of the original reservation; and, if the intended use for such a parcel of land is gambling, then a specific process must be followed.
(2) In recent years, Native-American gambling has been seen as a solution to economic revitalization for many communities. Many cities have approached tribes and offered opportunities to operate a casino in exchange for something the city wants or needs. Additionally, many rural tribes looking for a better location to operate a casino have approached cities and suggested a mutually beneficial relationship. There have been very few successful attempts to create “off reservation” urban casinos.
III. Senator Reid’s Intervention on Behalf of Native-American Tribes Not Indigenous to Nevada.
A. Intervention in California.
(1) While Senate Majority Whip (1999 – 2000), Senator Reid sponsored a bill that would have stopped a California Native-American Tribe from opening an “urban off-reservation” gambling operation near Oakland, California. Such an “urban off-reservation” gambling site located in the San Francisco Bay area would have posed substantial competition to Nevada gambling operations (both tribal and non-tribal) and to an Abramoff-related client, namely, the California Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians.
(2) Federal Election Commission records indicate that Senator Reid’s Searchlight Leadership Fund received $7,500 from the Agua Caliente Tribe. (See: Enclosure A)
(3) Federal Election Commission records indicate that Senator Reid received $2,000 from the Agua Caliente Tribe. (See: Enclosure A)
(4) Republican strategist and lobbyist Scott Reed, however, helped lead a drive to block Senator’s Reid’s bill.
B. Intervention in Michigan.
(1) In 2002, Senator Reid blocked a proposal that would have paved the way for an “off reservation” casino in Michigan that would have been in direct competition with casinos operated by an Abramoff-related client, namely, the Saginaw Michigan Chippewa Tribe.
(2) Federal Election Commission records indicate that Senator Reid’s Searchlight Leadership Fund received $10,000 from the Michigan Saginaw Chippewa Tribe. (See: Enclosure A)
(3) Federal Election Commission records indicate that Senator Reid received $4,000 from the Michigan Saginaw Chippewa Tribe. (See: Enclosure A)
C. Intervention in Louisiana.
(1) In 2001 and 2002, Washington lobbyist and GOP Fundraiser Jack Abramoff assisted the Louisiana Coushatta Tribe in blocking the establishment of an “off-reservation” casino by the Jena Band of Choctaw Indians.
(2) The Coushattas, who had been running a casino for seven years, seemed to be having trouble getting Louisiana Governor Mike Foster’s office to renew their expired gambling compact. Lobbyist Abramoff ensured that every tribal vendor and employee understood that their business was at risk unless the compact was renewed. The result was that some 30,000 letters were sent to Governor Foster who eventually renewed the contract.
(3) But to the Coushattas chagrin, Governor Foster subsequently awarded a separate compact for an “off-reservation” casino gambling operation to the neighboring Jena Band of Choctaw Native-Americans. Although the Jena Band retained Patton Boggs for legal help in Washington, D.C., and Machal Inc. (the developer that backed the Jena Tribe) retained Barbour, Griffith & Rogers for lobbying assistance at the Department of Interior on land issues, the Jena Band was ultimately outmaneuvered by the Coushatta Tribe and Lobbyist Abramoff.
(4) Specifically, the Coushattas and Lobbyist Abramoff mounted a letter-writing campaign to state officials, federal officials and Members of Congress. Numerous members of the U. S. House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate responded to the
referenced letter writing campaign by drafting their own letters on behalf of the Louisiana Coushatta Tribe and in opposition to the Jena Band of Choctaws.
(5) Senator Reid and Senator Ensign drafted/signed a joint letter dated March 5, 2002 and addressed to Interior Secretary Gale Norton. The letter states that “(t)he Jena Band Compact establishes a dangerous precedent for location of tribal casinos virtually anywhere in any state where gambling is legal. This would destroy the careful balance Congress created when it gave tribal casinos certain advantages over other gaming establishments but with certain limits on their locations.” (See: Enclosure B)
(6) The next day, March 6, 2002, the Louisiana Coushatta Tribe promptly issued a $5,000 check to Senator Reid’s tax-exempt political group, the Searchlight Leadership Fund. (See: Enclosure A) A second tribe represented by Lobbyist Abramoff (the Mississippi Choctaw) also promptly sent an additional $5,000 to Senator Reid’s Searchlight Leadership Fund. (See: Enclosure A)
(7) Ultimately, Senator Reid received approximately $40,000 - $66,000 in Abramoff-related donations from the following Non-Nevada Tribes between 2001 and 2004. (See Associated Press Article dated November 17, 2005 - Enclosure C.)
(i) Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians (California) contributed $19,500 to Senator Reid between 2001 and 2004.
(ii) Coushatta Tribe of Louisiana (Louisiana) contributed $5,000 to Senator Reid between 2001 and 2004.
(iii) Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians (Mississippi) contributed $7,000 to Senator Reid between 2001 and 2004.
(iv) Saginaw Chippewa Indian Tribe of Michigan (Michigan) contributed $19,000 to Senator Reid between 2001 and 2004.
IV. Public Relations Response of Recipient Lawmakers.
A. Initial Response.
Senator Reid and other lawmakers stated that their intervention on behalf of Lobbyist Abramoff’s tribal clients – the Louisiana Coushattas, the Mississippi Choctaws
and other assorted tribes – had nothing to do with Lobbyist Abramoff and that any donations they contemporaneously and/or subsequently received from Abramoff’s tribal clients was a mere coincidence. Specifically, they alleged that opposition to the expansion of tribal gambling prompted their letters to Secretary Norton, even though they continued to accept donations from casino-operating tribes.
B. Senator Reid Fails to Disgorge Abramoff-Related Tribal Contributions.
(1) Senator Reid has refused to return any of the approximately $40,000 - $66,000 that he received from Abramoff-related tribes while serving on the Senate Indian Affairs Committee.
(2) Eddie Ayoob, who was Senator Reid’s legislative counsel from 1997 - 2002 and was assistant finance director on Senator Reid’s 1998 Senate campaign, was hired by Abramoff to work at Greenberg Traurig. He now currently works at Barnes & Thornberg, another Washington law firm.
(3) Nevertheless, Senator Reid asserts that he has never met Abramoff and that the lobbyist has “not given me a penny.” More specifically, Senator Reid asserts: “Don’t try to say I received money from Abramoff. I’ve never met the man, don’t know anything.” Additionally, Senator Reid stated: “I’ll repeat, Abramoff gave me no money. His firm gave me no money. He may have worked for a firm where people have given me money. But I have - I feel totally at ease that I haven’t done anything that is even close to being wrong. And I’m going to continue doing what I’ve done for my entire tenure in Congress. My record - any money that I’ve received - it’s a federal law. You can look who gave it to me, how much, when they gave it to me, and what their occupations are. So don’t lump me in with Jack Abramoff.” The inference is that the tribal donations were unrelated to any of Jack Abramoff’s lobbying efforts.
C. Greenburg Traurig Records Surface
(1) John Solomon of the Associated Press reported on February 9, 2006 that billing records from Abramoff’s lobbying firm – Greenburg Traurig – provide details of multiple meetings between Abramoff’s lobbying partners, Senator Reid and members of Reid’s staff. (See Enclosure D)
(2) The Greenburg Traurig records reportedly reflect that over a three-year period Senator Reid collected nearly $68,000 in donations from Abramoff’s firm, lobbying partners and clients. These records provide an additional level of detail and contribute to an understanding of the overall timeline of Senator Reid’s activities in light of contributions made to him and his organizations. They establish a pattern of behavior evidencing apparent quid pro quo actions by Senator Reid and his Senate office staff.
(3) In 2001 alone there were reportedly nearly two dozen phone contacts between Reid and Abramoff’s offices. These sorts of contacts resulted in Reid intervening on behalf of Abramoff’s tribal clients (collecting donations each time), as detailed above.
(4) According to the lobbyists billing records, contacts with Senator Reid and his office were for the expressed purpose of timing and actions concerning legislation before the Senate and upon which Senator Reid was expected to take a specific action or vote in a certain way. Cash flowed to Senator Reid following these contacts, based upon his exercise of his official duties.
V. Impact of Jack Abramoff’s Guilty Plea.
A. Lawmakers’ Ethical/Legal Exposure.
According to Abramoff’s guilty plea, his political contributions were aimed at winning specific favors, such as torpedoing legislation or securing federal contracts.
B. Senator Reid and Senator Ensign Request A Preemptive Investigation By the Senate Ethics Committee to Clear Their Reputations.
(1) Both Senators Reid and Ensign disclosed on January 3, 2006 that they asked the Senate Ethics Committee for an opinion on their 2002 letter, which they argue is ethical and proper. Representing a state with legalized gambling, they said it was not unusual for them to fight Indian tribes trying to expand gaming. They also disclosed that they wrote a similar letter in 2003.
(2) More specifically, the Senators stated: “Our March 5 letter was consistent with this long-standing policy goal and any suggestion that the letter was motivated instead by political contributions is baseless.” Senator Ensign further stated: “We know what we did was right and fine and within ethics rules, and we wanted a stamp of approval from the Ethics Committee.”
(3) Senator Reid’s position is that “There is absolutely no connection between the letter and the fundaising. The only connection was Senator Reid has consistently opposed any effort to undermine the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act.”
(4) The revelations of the Abramoff scandal shed a very different light on the motives and intentions behind the March 5 letter and his other actions, leading one to reasonably infer that an inappropriate quid pro quo occurred.
C. Senate Obligations Independent of the Ongoing Department of Justice Investigation.
The Department of Justice investigation into the Abramoff scandal is focusing on a “first tier” of lawmakers and staffers, prominent among them: Senator Harry Reid, according to a January 11, 2006 article in The Washington Times. The Committee should not defer investigative activity pending the outcome of any Department of Justice. In this instance, it is imperative that the Committee exercise its independent, innate authority. It is particularly critical that the Committee investigate Senator Reid, as he is the Minority Leader. Any criminal inquiry does not relieve the Committee of its affirmative obligation to act when it becomes aware of credible reports addressed in the Senate Ethics Manual, Appendix C (Rules of Procedure, Senate Ethics Committee), Part II (Supplementary Procedural Rules), Rule 2 (Procedures for Complaints, Allegations or Information).
D. Opaque Federal Election Commission Records.
The FEC Records for the Searchlight Leadership Fund for the period 2000 - 2002 are seemingly incomplete and/or inaccurate. Specifically, no tribal contributions are listed or enumerated. These gaps in contribution records are a result of a loophole for campaign donations by Native American tribes. Tribes may lawfully give millions of dollars in political campaign contributions based upon a 2000 Federal Election Commission ruling that does not bind the tribes’ aggregate donations. “PoliticalMoneyLine” – an online, non-partisan campaign finance analysis group has estimated that tribes funneled $25 million into political campaigns between 2000 and 2005. Documenting and correcting this “disclosure gap” should be part of your investigation.
VI. Conclusion.
I hereby request that the Senate Ethics Committee investigate any and all Abramoff-related tribal donations to Senator Reid, and any actions performed by Senator Reid for Mr. Abramoff, his associated firms or his clients.
Thank you for your prompt attention to this important matter. |
http://www.latimes.com/news/politic...ack=1&cset=true
Desert Connections
Quote: A real estate project is on track to create one of Nevada’s biggest cities, partly due to the intercession of U.S. Sen. Harry Reid, who has close ties to the developer.
By Chuck Neubauer and Richard T. Cooper, Times Staff Writers
August 20, 2006
Even now, as heavy equipment peels back the cactus and creosote bush to carve out roads and building sites, it's hard to believe that this 67-square-mile tract of empty desert will blossom into one of the biggest cities in the fastest-growing state in the country and the projected home to more than 200,000 people.
One of the most inhospitable places in the country, Coyote Springs Valley is so barren that, until recently, its best use was thought to be as a weapons test range.
ADVERTISEMENTYet the valley — an hour northeast of Las Vegas — is on its way to becoming a real estate development of historic proportions, with as many as 159,000 homes, 16 golf courses and a full complement of stores and service facilities. At nearly 43,000 acres, Coyote Springs covers almost twice as much space as the next-largest development in a state famous for outsized building projects.
By comparison, Irvine Co., one of Southern California's largest developers, controls about 44,000 acres in Orange County.
Helping make Coyote Springs come alive was an alliance between a multimillionaire developer and one of the highest-ranking members of Congress: Nevada Democrat Harry Reid, the Senate minority leader and a member of the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee.
The relationship between developers such as Harvey Whittemore and politicians such as Reid is especially close in Nevada, home to a small fraternity of movers and shakers, powerful demands of rapid population growth and a huge amount of federally owned land.
Over the last four years, Reid has used his influence in Washington to help the developer, Nevada super-lobbyist Whittemore, clear obstacles from Coyote Springs' path.
At one point, Reid proposed opening the way for Whittemore to develop part of the site for free — something for which the developer later agreed to pay the government $10 million.
As the project advanced, Reid received tens of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions from Whittemore. The contributions not only went to Reid's Senate campaigns, but also to his leadership fund, which he used to help bankroll the campaigns of Democratic colleagues.
Whittemore also helped advance the legal careers of two of Reid's four sons. One of the two, Leif Reid, who is Whittemore's personal lawyer, has represented the developer throughout the Coyote Springs project, including in negotiations with federal officials.
Whittemore, solidly built and well over 6 feet tall, is a partner in Nevada's biggest law firm and a veteran lobbyist for the state's gambling, liquor and tobacco industries.
His influence crosses party lines. Nevada's junior U.S. senator, Republican John Ensign, and GOP Rep. Jim Gibbons, whose district includes Coyote Springs, supported the project at key stages. But Reid's power in the Senate sets him apart and his relationship with Whittemore is deeply rooted.
"You have to understand how close the Whittemore and Reid families are," the developer said recently. "My relationship with Sen. Reid goes back decades." The senator concurs, calling Whittemore a longtime friend.
In a small state, Whittemore said, personal relationships are particularly important: "This is not New York. This is Nevada."
Reid, who declined to be interviewed for this article, cites economic grounds for his support of the project, as do his Nevada congressional colleagues.
"There is a reason every major Republican and Democratic officeholder in Nevada has fought for Coyote Springs — it will create jobs and make the state an even better place to live and raise a family," said a Reid spokesman.
Nevada's congressional delegation has treated Whittemore no differently from any other developer, Reid's office said.
'Unique in the World'
For Whittemore, Coyote Springs is more than a financial investment. In words that soar beyond developers' customary hyperbole, he called it an opportunity "to create a beautiful place which is unique in the world — not just Nevada or the United States, but the world."
More than a decade ago, Whittemore recognized the site's potential. It is 5 miles wide and stretches 13 miles along the east side of U.S. 93 between parallel mountain ranges.
Equally important, the site was in private hands — rare in a state where the federal government owns 87% of the land. Nothing remotely as large and well-located might come on the market again.
There was just one catch: For all its possibilities, the land had serious obstacles to development that only the federal government could remove.
First, Congress had created a mile-wide power line corridor covering 10,500 acres and running the length of the property close to the highway. No power lines had been built, but development inside the corridor seemed to be precluded.
A second problem was that ancient stream beds and washes crisscrossed the site. Though dry most of the year, as part of the valley's ecosystem they could not be bulldozed or otherwise altered without federal permits.
In addition, while the private owner controlled all 42,842 acres, the federal government had retained title to almost a third of those acres to maintain a preserve for the desert tortoise, Nevada's state reptile, which is shielded by the Endangered Species Act.
The tortoise's habitat was concentrated in a wedge-shaped area in the middle of the site. Here too, development seemed to be prohibited.
"For eight years, almost on a daily basis I have been working on solving the problems of the site," Whittemore said recently.
Today, with the obstacles gone and construction under way, Whittemore's efforts seem to have paid off.
Land's Recent History
It was the exigencies of national security that put Coyote Springs in play. In 1988, Congress turned the land over to defense contractor Aerojet-General Corp. to test rockets. The southern third of the land is in Clark County, which includes Las Vegas, and the rest is in Lincoln County.
The rocket range was never created and the land remained essentially untouched until 1998, when Whittemore paid Aerojet-General at least $15 million for title to the privately owned portion of the site and for the rights under a rent-free government lease of the tortoise habitat.
Soon afterward, Whittemore reduced his financial exposure by selling the rights to 7,500 acre-feet of groundwater and a well to the Southern Nevada Water Authority for $25 million. But he retained other water rights at Coyote Springs and has agreements with Lincoln County and its private water company partner to buy more for the development.
Almost immediately, Whittemore began to push for the title to — and unrestricted use of — the tortoise habitat in the middle of the site. He argued that moving the tortoise preserve to the eastern edge of the site, where it would abut federal land, would help the desert tortoise and remove an impediment to his project.
In 1999, regional officials of the Interior Department refused, saying that only Congress could approve moving the preserve. Over the next five years, Whittemore bombarded the government with proposals.
Finally, in 2004, the Bureau of Land Management agreed to give him title to nearly 10,000 acres of tortoise land in the middle of his site in exchange for equal acreage along the fringes. They called the swap a "minor" boundary adjustment.
Appraisal Not Done
No federal appraisal was made to determine whether the land the government got was equal in value to the land it gave up, and some public land experts say the exchange may have been illegal.
"The law clearly wouldn't allow a 'boundary adjustment' of 10,000 acres," said Janine Blaeloch of the Western Lands Project, a group that advocates for public lands. "Congress drew the map of the leased lands. Congress would have to change it."
The bureau said it agreed to the land swap because the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service said moving the preserve would be good for the tortoise.
Neither Sen. Reid nor Leif Reid played a role in getting the tortoise preserve relocated, Whittemore said.
In 2002, Sen. Reid went to work on removing the power line corridor.
First, he and others in Nevada's congressional delegation tucked an obscurely worded provision into a huge land bill to benefit a wide range of interests in Clark County. The provision shifted the power corridor off Whittemore's land and onto federal land along the west side of U.S. 93.
The land west of the highway had been earmarked for "wilderness study," but a separate section of the bill reclassified the land to allow power lines.
As drafted, the bill would have done Whittemore a large financial favor: It required him to pay nothing for getting the power corridor moved to the west side of the highway — even though it increased the value of his 10,500 acres on the east side by clearing it for development.
The giveaway prompted questions from the Bureau of Land Management and the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee.
With the legislative clock running out, Reid and his Nevada colleagues backed off, removing from the bill the provision moving the power line corridor.
But another provision — one that reclassified the status of the land on the west side so that it eventually could accommodate a power line corridor — survived, and President Bush signed the bill in November 2002.
A year and a half later, Reid and the Nevada delegation tried again, inserting language moving the power corridor to the west side of the highway into a public land bill for Lincoln County.
This time, Whittemore had to compensate the government on the basis of "fair market value," but that was defined in such a way that would have required him to pay only about $160,000.
Drawing fresh criticism, Reid and the delegation changed the cost provision to say government appraisers should determine what Whittemore had to pay — $10.4 million as it turned out. The bill became law in November 2004.
Just before that bill was passed, Whittemore announced a deal with Westwood-based Pardee Homes to become Coyote Springs' main residential developer. He also announced that Jack Nicklaus would design a set of golf courses to be known as the Bear Trail.
As the effort to clear a path for Coyote Springs moved forward, Whittemore showed his appreciation for the help Nevada politicians in Washington were giving him, especially Reid. Ensign and others got contributions, but significantly less than those given to Reid.
Political Funding
Since 2000, Whittemore, his wife and the Coyote Springs company have given Reid's senatorial campaign and political action committees at least $45,000. That included $35,000 for Reid's leadership PAC, the Searchlight Leadership Fund, which helped him advance as a Senate leader. Most of that money was contributed in 2002 shortly after Reid introduced the Clark County land bill.
In 2000, Whittemore gave an additional $20,000 to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which Reid promoted as a party leader. Prior to 2000, the Whittemores had given Reid and his Senate campaign committee a total of $6,500, plus $5,000 for his leadership PAC.
Whittemore also helped Reid's sons, all of whom at various times have worked for the law firm in which he is a senior partner, Lionel, Sawyer and Collins. Rory Reid is a partner in the firm. When he ran successfully for the Clark County Board of Commissioners, Whittemore contributed $5,000.
He also gave Josh Reid $5,000 for an unsuccessful bid for a seat on the city council in Cottonwood Heights, Utah. Rory and Josh Reid have been active in Democratic politics.
Jon Summers, an aide to Sen. Reid, said, "Harvey Whittemore has a history of giving money to political candidates far and wide — and to both political parties.
"However," he added, "as a registered Democrat, it is only logical that he would give a larger percentage to Democratic candidates and committees."
By the spring of 2005, only one step remained: securing a permit to deal with the stream beds and washes.
That process, handled by the Army Corps of Engineers, seemed routine, but in late July trouble struck.
Alexis Strauss, an official in the Environmental Protection Agency's regional office that oversees Nevada, notified the Corps of Engineers that her office had concerns.
"We respectfully object to the issuance of a permit for the proposed project because the authorization may result in substantial and unacceptable impacts to aquatic resources of national importance," Strauss wrote.
The phrase, "aquatic resources of national importance," was a designation that gave regional EPA officials maximum leverage to press for environmental concessions.
Rarely Invoked
Invoking such aquatic resources is rare — done in only 1% or 2% of the permit applications that the regional office reviews every year, according to Tim Vendlinski, head of wetland regulation. "They weren't happy when they got that letter," he said of Whittemore and Coyote Springs.
Whittemore had not seen the EPA move coming and he called Nevada officials, his fellow-developers, Sens. Ensign and Reid, and Leif Reid.
Less than a week after the issue arose, Sen. Reid's then-top aide for energy and environment, Peter Umhofer, called the regional office. Whittemore said he had asked Umhofer to set up a meeting for him with federal officials. Umhofer also contacted the Corps of Engineers.
Officials at both agencies got the message that Reid was deeply interested in Coyote Springs, and Vendlinski made clear that Umhofer's intervention had upped the stakes.
"Any time a congressman calls, it kicks it up above my level. We treat correspondence from staff with as much weight as from congressmen," Vendlinski said.
At an Aug. 16, 2005, meeting, Whittemore, Leif Reid and their consultants tried to persuade the EPA to drop the aquatic resource designation. "They saw our letter as something that would bring their project to a halt," said John Kemmerer, the senior EPA official at the meeting. "They were interested in us rescinding it."
The EPA officials refused.
"It was a bitter pill for them," Vendlinski said. "The meeting did not end with a group hug."
Nonetheless, the developer and the federal agencies agreed to meet again in September.
Meantime, Sens. Reid and Ensign called EPA Administrator Stephen L. Johnson in Washington. The senators said Nevada developers were complaining about undue delays on permits.
Whittemore says he did not instigate the phone call by Reid and Ensign.
On Sept. 20, two days before Reid and Ensign were to confer with Johnson, three Reid staffers called the EPA regional officials to express Reid's concerns about permits, including developers' complaints that the EPA had become more demanding.
The next day, EPA regional officials sent briefing papers to Washington to help Johnson prepare for his talk with the senators. An e-mail from a senior EPA official made clear which way the wind was blowing.
"I've taken the liberty of shortening the talking points and making them sound more conciliatory," said John Reeder, who's in the EPA's congressional relations office. When talking with the senators, "the administrator needs to hear them out and not take an argumentative stance," he said. "Let me know if you have any heartburn over this."
When Johnson talked to the two senators, they reiterated developers' complaints about the EPA's regional office and expressed the developers' concern about their ability to get permits in the future.
"It was very unusual for two senators to go directly to the administrator," Strauss, the EPA regional official, said.
At some point in the process, Leif Reid called his father's office about the permit issue. Sen. Reid's office says the call had no effect on the senator's actions.
Office Lobbying Rule
In 2001, the senator's office established a rule that family members could lobby his office but could not get special treatment. In 2002, responding to questions by The Times, the rule was changed to prohibit any lobbying of Sen. Reid's office by his family.
"For the last four years, our office has had a policy that Reid family members are not to lobby the office on business matters, even if those matters benefit Nevada," Susan McCue, Reid's chief of staff, said last week.
"Leif is not a lobbyist, but he should not have called our office. I have reminded Leif of this policy to prevent future calls," she said in a statement. Leif Reid did not respond to questions.
The contacts by Leif Reid and others "were not an attempt to have Sen. Reid's office direct the outcome of the federal permitting process," Whittemore said.
As it happened, by the time Sens. Reid and Ensign had their conversation with the head of the EPA, Whittemore's permit problem was all but over.
On Sept. 16, Whittemore, Leif Reid and others had met with EPA and other federal officials at the site and the atmosphere became conciliatory.
Coyote Springs agreed to leave several washes untouched, reduced the number of acres of waterways to be filled in and pledged to make environmental improvements on 19 acres of other wash land.
And Whittemore promised not to disturb the Pahranagat Wash, which runs through the site. Since Pahranagat is subject to flash flooding, development there was impractical, but Whittemore made its protected status official.
"They took our concerns seriously," Vendlinski said.
For their part, the regional officials were not looking for a fight. Whittemore had demonstrated that he could bring Sens. Reid and Ensign into the game.
Privately, some regional EPA officials said they knew their superiors in Washington would not support a hard line on aquatic resources.
The regional officials not only withdrew their objections, but in April 2006 they also gave Whittemore's project an award for "environmentally sensitive improvements" in its plans. A smiling Leif Reid accepted the award.
"One year and $1 million in consulting fees later, we got our permit," Whittemore said ruefully in an interview in May.
"It is the right thing to do," he said, "and there is an economic incentive in making the project proceed."
As Coyote Springs grows onto the Lincoln County portion of the site, more permits will be needed. But Whittemore's dream is on its way to coming true.
Looking back, he expresses pride in the achievement, and in how far he went to meet environmental and other concerns.
"The final product is the most environmentally friendly development ever proposed in Nevada," Whittemore said. "I want people to understand that I am the platinum standard." |
Lets watch the left wing apologists ignore the corruption of the left, and cut and run as usual to another thread. Facts and left wing/liberal/demoRat just don't mix. |
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